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July 21, 2008

Grechenig & Gelter on Law & Economics in the U.S. & Germany

Kristoffel R. Grechenig and Martin Gelter (University of St. Gallen - Department of Law and Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration - Department of Business Law) have posted The Transatlantic Divergence in Legal Thought: American Law and Economics vs. German Doctrinalism (Hastings International and Comparative Law Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 2008) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

Economic analysis plays a major role in the American legal discourse, while its position in the German-speaking legal debate remains comparatively limited. In Germany and Austria, a widespread aversion against law and economics can be observed among legal scholars. This article advances an explanation for this divergence on the basis of two main factors: First, American legal realism enjoyed great success, whereas the German free-law movement failed to leave a lasting impression. While legal realism transformed American legal thought and opened up the discourse to policy arguments, the predominant German legal theory emphasizes the internal coherence of the legal system, and assigns only a limited role to external elements. Second, the different philosophical roots and attitude towards and utilitarianism and consequentionalist thinking in general can explain why law and economics takes a prominent position in the US legal academia.

Recommended!

July 18, 2008

Bertacchini, De Mot, and Depoorter on Commons, Anticommons, & Semicommons

Enrico Bertacchini , Jef De Mot and Ben Depoorter (University of Turin - Faculty of Law , Ghent University - Faculty of Law and University of Miami - School of Law) have posted Never Two Without Three: Commons, Anticommons and Semicommons on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

A semicommons regime exists when the efficient use of a resource requires the coexistence of both common and private uses. In a seminal article, Henry Smith examined the system of semicommons property in regard to medieval open-fields. In such a system, peasants shared common land for collective grazing, but used privately owned scattered strips for grain growing. This paper provides the first formal model of semicommons property regimes. Our model demonstrates (1) how the costs of strategic behavior in semicommons regimes may outweigh those in commons regimes and (2) how semicommons regimes may solve collective action problems by introducing anticommons arrangements. We extend previous property literature by offering new insights as to conditions in which mixed property regimes emerge and fragmentation solutions are favored.

Highly recommended.

Reber on the Diffusion of Law & Economics

Kilian Reber (Forschungsstelle für Wirtschaftsgeschichte) has posted Once Upon a Time in America: Barriers to the Diffusion of Law & Economics on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

In 1990, the European Law and Economics Association held a symposium about the state of as well as the impediments to the diffusion of Law & Economics (L&E) in civil law countries. The contributions concluded that the civil law system, legal tradition, legal culture as well as language barriers posed the main difficulties to the diffusion of L&E in the countries considered [Cooter and Gordley 1991: 261ff.]. By focusing only on civil law countries, however, the contributions neglected that the initial diffusion of L&E within the United States had also been impeded. Using economic theory, it is shown in this paper how incentives for economists and law scholars may have contributed to impeding the initial diffusion of L&E. The presented barriers are based on rational behavior by actors in economics and jurisprudence which results in a human capital investment problem and a game theoretic coordination problem for lawyers as well as a tendency for economists not to publish in law journals. Using qualitative evidence it is shown that these barriers are likely to have been at work (even) in the US. Focusing on the US also makes it possible to identify remedies to these diffusion barriers. The barriers, it is argued, were reduced by subsidizing the human capital investment in L&E for lawyers as well as by founding specialized L&E journals to reduce the coordination problem. It is argued that these measures could also be used in civil law countries in order to facilitate the diffusion of L&E.

June 25, 2008

Svatikova on Economic Criteria for Criminalization

Katarina Svatikova (Erasmus University Rotterdam (EUR) - Rotterdam Institute of Law and Economics) has posted Economic Criteria for Criminalization: Why Do We Need the Criminal Law? on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

The main purpose of this paper is to identify criteria, using a law and economics approach, demarcating the choice for using criminal law as opposed to other legal remedies, such as administrative or tort law. In other words, it tries to find out why criminal law should be used at all and what the comparative advantages of criminal law are compared to the legal alternatives. By focusing not only on the distinction between tort and crime, but also on the use of criminal law vis-ý-vis administrative law, this paper could provide some contributing remarks. Based upon the analysis in this paper, it is argued that criminalization of an act is/should be seen in areas where: (1) harm is large and/or immaterial and/or diffuse and/or remote; (2) conviction can generate a cost-effective stigma; (3) the probability of detection is low; and/or (4) the regulator can use criminal law as a socialization mechanism. Under these circumstances, criminal law seems to be the instrument that internalizes the social cost of harms.

June 16, 2008

Arlen & Talley on Experimental Law & Economics

Jennifer Arlen and Eric L. Talley (New York University School of Law and UC Berkeley (Boalt Hall) School of Law) have posted Experimental Law and Economics (Forthcoming in EXPERIMENTAL LAW AND ECONOMICS, Jennifer Arlen and Eric Talley, ed., 2008) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

This chapter provides a framework for assessing the contributions of experiments in Law and Economics. We identify criteria for determining the validity of an experiment and find that these criteria depend upon both the purpose of the experiment and the theory of behavior implicated by the experiment. While all experiments must satisfy the standard experimental desiderata of control, falsifiability of theory, internal consistency, external consistency and replicability, the question of whether an experiment also must be contextually attentive  in the sense of matching the real world choice being studied -- depends on the underlying theory of decision-making being tested or implicated by the experiment.

We find that the importance of contextual attentiveness depends on whether the experiment tests or implicates a unitary-process theory of decision-making or a multiple-process theory. Unitary-process theories posit that people employ a single operational approach to make decisions across a broad (or universal) domain of activity. Rational Choice Theory is a unitary-process theory. Because unitary-process theories posit that people employ the same decision-making program in all contexts, experimenters can falsify a unitary-process theory using an experimental choice which bears little resemblance to any real-world choice. Faith in a unitary process account also permits legal policymakers to draw broad normative implications from experiments involving quite artificial choices. By contrast, multiple-process theories hold that people employ multiple decision-making programs when they make choices. Moreover, the relative impact of these programs can depend on the context of the decision. This posited interaction between context and decision-making implies that experimentalists seeking to examine legal decision-making must be sensitive to contextual factors likely to affect deliberative and non-conscious programs in the real world. In addition, policymakers must proceed cautiously before using experimental evidence to draw normative policy conclusions because experimental results may not be robust across contexts.

May 29, 2008

Russi on Unfair Good Faith Performance

Luigi Russi (Bocconi University) has posted Can Good Faith Performance Be Unfair? An Economic Framework for Understanding the Problem (Whittier Law Review, Vol. 29, No. 3, 2008) on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

The paper deals with the duty of good faith in contract performance, as set out in the U.C.C. In particular, it focuses on the different theories as to its practical meaning, by distinguishing between two types of standards: behavioral and economic ones. The latter are further framed after the Learned Hand formula of negligence, as adapted to contractual relationships by relevant literature. By analyzing the functioning of economic standards in presence of transaction costs, it is then concluded that economic standards are only weakly preferable to behavioral ones which, under certain conditions, may prove as useful in providing a practical meaning to the good faith performance obligation.

May 28, 2008

Markovits on Second Best & Third Best

Richard S. Markovits (University of Texas Law School) has posted Two Distortion-Analysis Approaches to Economic-Efficiency Analysis: A Third-Best-Economically-Efficient Response to the General Theory of Second Best on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

The General Theory of Second Best argues that, since in general a Pareto imperfection that can be eliminated will be as likely to counteract as to compound the net effects of the other Pareto imperfections in the relevant economy, (1) there is no general reason to believe that policies that decrease the Pareto-imperfectness of an economy without making it Pareto perfect will even tend on that account to increase economic efficiency and (2) to predict the economic efficiency of a policy one will have to (put crudely) (A) identify the various categories of economic inefficiency the policy will affect, (B) determine the respective ways in which the economy‘s various types of Pareto imperfections interact to cause each of these types of economic inefficiency, (C) estimate the incidence of the various types of Pareto imperfections in the economy pre-policy, and (D) predict the impact of the policy on these Pareto imperfections.

Economists and Law & Economics scholars pay almost no attention to The General Theory of Second Bestâ014i.e., almost always assume that any tendency a policy has to decrease the Pareto-imperfectness of an economy will cause it to increase economic efficiency. Many economists who admit to being aware of The General of Second Best try to justify ignoring it by claiming that it implies the impossibility or economic inefficiency of providing reliable estimates of the economic efficiency of any policy.

This Article attacks the premise of this (invalid) justification for ignoring Second-Best Theory by delineating two "distortion-analysis" protocols for predicting or post-dicting the effect of a policy on economic efficiency that (it maintains) are third-best allocatively efficient, i.e., would be economically efficient to use if policy decisions were based on the conclusions the protocols generated even given that the policies to be scrutinized will leave the economy highly-Pareto-imperfect, many types of economic inefficiency must be distinguished, analysis is costly, and data is inevitably costly and imperfect. The protocols in question are called distortion-analysis protocols because they derive their economic-efficiency conclusions from the predicted impact of the policy in question on the "distortion" in the profits yielded by the marginal exemplars of each category of resource allocation the policy will affect that is analytically useful to distinguishâ014i.e., on the difference between those profits and the economic efficiency of the resource allocations in question.

May 13, 2008

Wright & Manne on the Future of Law and Economics (with an update in red)

Josh Wright has posted Part V of his series on the Future of Law and Economics, which includes a reply from Henry Manne.  Here is a taste of Manne:

I really do not think that we should be bothering in law schools with either teaching or research that in some ways does no make for better lawyers or for better legal scholars (not necessarily the same thing, but again there is convergence in the long run). I do not see any reason for the law reviews to be full of arcane economic jargon that will never be used by any practicing lawyer or comprehended by any sitting judge (with some very rare exceptions). And here I get to my main point. I think that most of that is the result of the very peculiar “market” forces that operate in universities and not from any thought-out rationale of making better laws or lawyers. (See my “The Political Economy of Modern Universities”). In other words, it is part of the general pattern of professors writing for each other and not for the outside world.

Read the entire illuminating post.  As readers of LTB might guess, I disagree with the "peculiar market forces" explanation for the orientation of most research towards an audience composed of other researchers.  An alternative hypothesis is that academic research is not oriented towards profit maximization at all, but instead is characteristically oriented towards the discovery and production of knowledge.  The goal is truth, not profits.  Of course, this doesn't mean that incentives don't play a role: they obviously do, and they include fame, honor, prestige, various academic perks, in addition to monetary incentives.  But in a well-functioning academic environment these incentives are aligned towards the production of knowledge and encourage scholarly excellence.

Manne actually grasps this point when he writes, "As you [Wright] and I agree, Law and Economics has been of extraordinary value to legal education. It took it out of the doldrums of anti-intellectualism and mechanical thinking about law, and made law schools respectable partners in the greater role of universities."  (After correspondence with Larry Ribstein, I am not sure whether Manne does (or does not) grasp or agree with the idea that well-functioning universities align incentives towards the production of knowledge & encouraging scholarly excellence.  Please read Manne's full remarks for a better sense of his point.)  The law and economics movement responded to the intellectual conundrum that post-realist American legal thought had created for itself.  Attempts to synthesize the instrumentalism of the American Legal Realists with a distinctive role for doctrinal law required that legal scholars make arguments of policy and principle: the "reasoned elaboration" that was the watchword of the Law and Process school is paradigmantic in this regard.  But the skills taught in law schools (case crunching and code crunching) do not provide a methodology for making rigorous arguments about the empirical effects of legal rules or the normative criteria by which they should be evaluated.  As law professors reached out to other disciplines to make such arguments, they began to see themselves as "translators," who could synthesize the output of other disciplines and incorporate it in legal scholarship.  The problem is that such translation requires training; without adequate knowledge of the other discipline, translations were bound to be garbled and incomplete.  When law schools are located in major research universities, these garbled translations can come to the attention of the home discipline--who may sit, for example, on university-wide tenure committees.  When legal scholarship consisted of code and case crunching, such committees had to defer to the expertise of law faculties and external reviewers on the quality of the work.  Not so, when the scholarship is itself normative theory, economics, or empirical.

The next natural step in the evolution of the legal academy was interdisciplinarity.  At the most basic level, interdisciplinarity involves rigorous training in another discipline.  The most effective way for law schools to acquire scholars with such training is to hire PhDs in other disciplines, although there are many successful examples of retooling.  The difficulty with the interdisciplinary model is that it creates centripetal force: scholars whose academic training is in another discipline such as economics are hurled away from the common enterprise of studying law and are attracted by the gravitational force of the values and prestige-hierarchy of their "home" discipline.  For this reason, the interdisciplinary model is potentially unstable, and Josh Wright's series of posts examines that instability in the context of law and economics.

If this diagnosis is correct, then the legal academy stands at a crossroads.  One can imagine a variety of possible futures.  Law schools might begin to realize that the study of law must become a distinctive multidisciplinary enterprise: this is the path taken by political science, where political phenomena are studies from a variety of perspectives, including rational choice & formal modeling, empirical studies, political theory, political history, and so forth.  Or one can imagine a return to the idea of law schools as professional schools that emphasize doctrine--although this would require an intellectual foundation that justified the return to doctrinalism.  Or perhaps the legal academy will segment itself--with most law schools returning to the trade school model that emphasizes the training of practising lawyers and the law schools of major research universities functioning to produce elite lawyers, legal academics, and multidisciplinary research.  Or something else.

When we think about the the future of the legal academy, time frame is important.  Big changes are likely to seem impossible--until suddenly they are conceivable, then starting, then already a fait accompli.  Our current thinking about the future of the legal academy is shaped by institutional forces and sociology of the status quo.  That means that most legal academics assume that the professional school model will be with us forever, but interdisciplinarity is also here to stay.  The tension between these two beliefs requires an elaborate set of rationalizations--about the value of rigorous interdisciplinary work to practising lawyers and the role of legally trained law professors as translators.  These rationalizations seem like obvious truths: they function as legal academic dogmas.  But there is a funny thing about dogmas: once your faith in them is shaken, they can suddenly be cast in a new light.  Obvious truths become superstitions.  "No one can doubt" becomes "no one ever really believed."

May 09, 2008

Hylton on the Law & Economics of Monopolization Standards

Keith N. Hylton (Boston University - School of Law) has posted The Law and Economics of Monopolization Standards (Antitrust Law and Economics, 2009) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:

This chapter provides a survey of the law and literature on monopolization. The focus is American law, but the issues considered are equally applicable to European law. After briefly reviewing the history of monopolization law in the U.S., I review various approaches to the legal standard for monopolization suggested in the literature. I then attempt to model monopolization standards, and assess their desirability in light of error costs.

May 06, 2008

Part Four of Josh Wright's Series on the Future of Law and Economcis

Part Four of Josh Wright's series on the Future of Law and Economics is now up.  A taste:

[T]here is a profitable opportunity for the production of L&E scholars who will produce, translate, and retail accessible scholarship. This does not necessarily mean informal scholarship. It includes theorists and econometricians who understand and are interested in studying law and legal institutions, and who also have the ability to communicate with both economists and legal academics. Competition among empirical L&E types in law schools will intensify as these methods increase in value and entry level JD/PhDs find homes at top programs. But what about theorists doing relevant and accessible work? What about informal L&E scholars and economic theorists in the model of Coase, Alchian and Demsetz? What about price theory and the law in the spirit of Becker?

Who will train the next generation of L&E scholars?

For the answer, read Wright's post!

Continue reading "Part Four of Josh Wright's Series on the Future of Law and Economcis" »

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