More on Public Reason and Faith-Based Prisons
My post from yesterday,
Public Reasons and Faith-Based Prisons, has prompted a variety of reactions. The distinguished law and religion scholar, Steve Smith, emailed comments which I've appended at the end of my original post.
Rick Garnett replied to my post over at Punishment Theory. Here is a taste of Rick's post:
As for your hypo about sectarian legislative preambles -- the "Christianity is the true religion" preamble strikes me as inappropriate, though I see nothing illiberal--or unconstitutional--about a legislator supporting and arguing for the policy for that reason, assuming that the legislator sees some connection between the truth of Christianity, the proposal in question, and the common good. That the state should speak in a non-religious voice does not mean, it seems to me, that citizens and legislators must do so.
Stephen Bainbridge emails to remind me of the United States Supreme Court's opinion in Holy Trinity Church v. U.S., 143 U.S. 457 (1892), which famously (or infamously) states:
If we pass beyond these matters to a view of American life, as expressed by its laws, its business, its customs, and its society, we find every where a clear recognition of the same truth. Among other matters note the following: The form of oath universally prevailing, concluding with an appeal to the Almighty; the custom of opening sessions of all deliberative bodies and most conventions with prayer; the prefatory words of all wills, 'In the name of God, amen;' the laws respecting the observance of the Sabbath, with the general cessation of all secular business, and the closing of courts, legislatures, and other similar public assemblies on that day; the churches and church organizations which abound in every city, town, and hamlet; the multitude of charitable organizations existing every where under Christian auspices; the gigantic missionary associations, with general support, and aiming to establish Christian missions in every quarter of the globe. These, and many other matters which might be noticed, add a volume of unofficial declarations to the mass of organic utterances that this is a Christian nation.
And John Gardner (Oxford) has a
marvelous comment up over at Punishment Theory. Here's a brief excerpt from Gardner:
The liberal prohibition on such government double-dealing does not entail that there is some special class of reasons which is such that governments should never rely on them. It is consistent with governments relying on reasons of utility, for example, so long as they do not conceal that they do so. It is also consistent with governments relying on reasons of respect for God or respect for art, respect for marriage, etc, so long as they do not conceal that they do so.
Finally,
Kyron Huigens has a nice post including the following remark:
A reason is suitable for public debate, public policy, and law only if some empirical evidence -- available to all -- could in principle disprove the proposition. This excludes faith-based reasons for the same reason that science cannot disprove religion: like faith itself, faith-based reasons are not falsifiable in principle. This kind of belief is explicitly not premised on empirical evidence, but instead on an experience of the divine.
On this last point, it seems to me that there is a grave difficulty with Huigens's suggestion. Let me repeat the crucial sentence: "A reason is suitable for public debate, public policy, and law
only if some empirical evidence -- available to all --
could in principle disprove the proposition." How would this criteria apply to the values that are conventionally used as premises in public political debate? For example, what empirical evidence could, in principle, disprove the proposition that human dignity is a very great value or that the innocent persons should not be injured or killed absent the most extraordinary justifications? Perhaps I misunderstand Huigens point.
Surf on over to Punishment Theory for more!