The Download of the Week is People v. The Court: The Next Revolution in Constitutional Law by David L. Sloss. Here is the abstract:
Included here are excerpts from my forthcoming book. The book presents a normative theory of judicial review that builds on John Hart Ely’s theory. Current constitutional doctrine is at odds with core constitutional values. We divide Con Law into rights issues and structural issues. Structural Con Law focuses on the division of power among government actors. That framing omits a key structural feature of the Constitution: the division of power between We the People and our government. Constitutional rights doctrine focuses on negative, individual rights. Accordingly, constitutional doctrine ignores one crucial right: the affirmative, collective right of We the People to exercise control over our government.
My theory divides constitutional issues into three baskets: rights, structure, and democratic self-government. The theory relies on a distinction between strong, weak, and deferential judicial review. In a system of strong review, judicial decisions applying the Constitution are not subject to legislative override. In a system of weak review, judicial decisions are subject to legislative override.
Based on the distinction among three types of judicial review, and the division of constitutional issues into three baskets, the book defends three main normative arguments. First, courts should apply strong judicial review in election-law cases to enhance the quality of representative democracy and ensure that every citizen has an equally effective voice in choosing our elected legislators. For example, courts should apply strong judicial review to ban partisan gerrymandering. The goal should be to correct defects in the electoral process so that elected legislators represent the entire political community, rather than serving factional interests.
Second, courts should apply weak judicial review for most individual rights claims. Courts can protect individual rights by applying federal statutes and international human rights treaties—instead of applying the Constitution—as the primary source of protection for individual rights. In this way, courts can provide robust protection for rights while still preserving an option for legislative override if Congress disagrees with the Court’s resolution of a particular issue. The option of legislative override is essential to ensure that our elected representatives—not unelected, unaccountable judges—have the last word on contested rights issues.
Third, courts should apply deferential review for claims involving federalism-based limits on Congress’s legislative powers. The Court’s modern federalism jurisprudence does not actually promote the ostensible goal of protecting state autonomy. Instead, the Court’s federalism doctrine transfers federal lawmaking authority from Congress to the Supreme Court, in violation of separation-of-powers principles. To protect state autonomy, the Court should exercise self-restraint to curb judicial violations of the Tenth Amendment, as exemplified by McDonald and Bruen.
Clearly, the current Supreme Court will not be receptive to these arguments. The final chapter presents a roadmap for revolutionary change in which We the People mobilize to transform our government, and Congress and the Supreme Court collaborate to restore the vitality of democratic self-government.
Highly recommended. A much needed updating of Ely's classic work.